On June 3, 2021, The Ethiopian Monitor reported that “The Government of Italy has contributed 400,000 Euro to the United Nations Development Programme Project that supports the electoral process in Ethiopia,” specifically Supporting Elections for Ethiopia Democracy Strengthening (SEEDS). Arturo Luzzi, the Italian Ambassador in Addis Ababa, stated that the primary goal of the Italian government for this offering was “to contribute to the transparency and inclusiveness of the electoral process in Ethiopia by reinforcing the capacities of NEBE (National Electoral Board of Ethiopia),” or to strengthen “the Ethiopian democratic institutions.” OLLAA believes that this is an intentional contradiction: the Italian government claims to want to spread democracy, yet they ultimately support its dictator, Abiy Ahmed, while continuing the west’s 21st century imperialism–imperialism that dates back centuries.
Italy first attempted to invade Ethiopia in 1896 during the infamous Battle of Adwa. Ethiopian forces shocked the Italians (and the rest of the world) by forcing them to retreat, which, at the time, propelled emperor Haile Selassie into international fame, inspiring Rastafari, and reinforcing the importance of Ethiopia within black communities.
In retrospect, however, the defeat of the Italians was not all positive for all parties. Awol Allo writes for Aljazeera: “For some, it is a momentous event that defined the weight and prestige of Ethiopia on the global stage and stands as a shining example of the endurance and fortitude of the Ethiopian people to this day. For others, the historic battle is not a “heroic victory” as such, but an unfortunate military achievement that helped Emperor Menelik II consolidate his brutal southward expansion. Still others view Adwa as the very first decisive victory of a black African power against colonialism, and celebrate it as a critical juncture in black people’s collective struggle against European colonial domination.” The trickle effects of the battle are what cause such controversy.
And as Awol Allo writes, the interpretation of the battle is not about the past or the present of Ethiopia: it is about the future. How an Ethiopian interprets the Battle of Adwa is ultimately about one’s vision for Ethiopia as a whole. Menelik II, because of his victory, perpetrated barbaric cruelties upon people in the south who resisted him, notably the Oromos. Allo writes, “For Oromos, Menelik II is devil incarnate and is beyond redemption. Perhaps, the association of Adwa with Menelik II is the single most important reason behind Oromo ambivalence towards this historical event.” The victory and its accompanying distinction gave way for Menelik to consolidate the empire, further reducing resistance. In the end, Oromos were virtually erased from the collective memory of the Battle, even though “the appearance of Oromo cavalrymen at the Battle of Adwa had a ‘notably dispiriting effect on the Italian soldiers’.”
In October 1935, the Italians came back to Ethiopia. Emperor Selassie went into exile. And on May 9, 1936, the Italians declared victory, arguably the first victory of fascist Europe, placing Ethiopia under Italian rule. By the time the Allies forced out the Italians in 1941, an estimated 250,000 Ethipians had died.
And so, a 400,000 Euro contribution from the Italians to support Ethiopian elections may not, at first, seem like such a big deal. But to many Ethiopians, this is a relic surviving in modern times. As OLLAA reported in June, “The postponement and suppression of the [Ethiopioan] election is a clear attempt by the government to maintain their power and deny Ethiopian citizens of their democratic right to choose.” That 400,000 Euro contribution was delivered to Ethiopia from the Italian government only weeks before the election. It might not be an Italian army that is at Ethiopian borders, but it is the Italians, nonetheless, who are helping to support and enable a dictatorship that perpetuates the violence and suppression that is already inside.
Counties must reconsider when giving aid to certain African leaders. If the goal is to spread democracy and preserve their interest, it is better that they work with the majority or a political leader who represents the interest of the majority of the people in the country. Keeping a small minority or dictator at the helm at the expense of the majority only exhausts hate and violence between the groups. Most European countries do not want an influx of refugees, so they should not enable dictatorial policies that produce these refugees who feel desperate and hopeless.
Allo writes: “…for the history and memory of Adwa to be complete, room must be made for all stories of front-line heroism – including the ones by those in the periphery, who had previously been written out of national history and memory. If Adwa is to serve as a value-based foundation for the new Ethiopia, Ethiopians should remember its defining significance. They should acknowledge some of its problematic consequences and refuse to succumb to the temptation of glorifying or romanticising a controversial figure like Emperor Menelik II.” Josep Borrel, High Represenataive of the EU for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice-President said, “any attempt to revise history, deny genocide and war crimes and glorify war criminals have to stop. We have to learn from what happened and need reconciliation.” Therefore, if there is national unity or for Ethiopia to continue as a country all Ethiopians should open their eyes to seeing foreign contributions, like the one from Italy and all others, as imperialistic actions that work to undermine the peace and prosperity that almost everyone within Ethiopia’s borders wants.
OLLAA urges all countries to be cautious of their support for dictatorships–in Ethiopia and elsewhere in Africa. It is a double edged-sword. And if this is going to be the case, then Italy, and all other nations that enable dictatorships, should pay the price of caring for the resulting refugees who will do whatever it takes to migrate to Europe. Above all, they should know they carry the moral burden of responsibility to support the oppressed and marginalized.