The ‘Politicized’ Election Deferment in Ethiopia

July 30th, 2020 – Ethiopia is expected to conduct its 5th general election on 08 August 2020 as scheduled by the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE). Many political parties have been legally registered and planned to campaign for the upcoming election. Specially, the previously banned political parties such as Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF) and others which returned from exile, fervently hoped to run for the election. Home based political parties such as Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC) and National Amhara Movement Association (NAMA) attracted significant number of people. The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), the then ruling party since 1991, renamed itself Properity Party (PP) and dismembered the formerly influential Tigray People Liberation Front (TPLF). As per article 58 (3) and article 67 (2) of Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia (FDRE) constitution, the terms of office of current bicameral parliament will expire on 30 September 2020. This meant the incumbent government will not have a legal basis to be in office after 30 September 2020, unless otherwise directly elected through universal suffrage. 

The eruption and fast spread of Coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic is unimagined stumbling block and unexpectedly interrupted the scheduled election. Taking COVID-19 as a pretext, the government deferred the upcoming election, and extended the mandate of federal and regional parliaments till the COVID-19 pandemic is no longer deemed a threat. The much expected election has been compromised to the benefit of Prosperity Party. On the other hand, delaying election without consultation has not been welcomed by opposition political parties. For instance, the OLF and OFC released a joint statement opposing the idea of extending the government’s terms of office, calling the action a “unilateral and illegal extension of terms of government”. The ONLF also condemned the manner in which the extension was undertaken. They called up on inclusive and consultative dialogue by all concerned stakeholders in this regard.

Amidst of coronavirus and election deferral controversy, huge violations of human rights including extrajudicial killings, rapes, arbitrary detention, burning houses of whom the government suspected of supporting opposition political parties, torture and other inhuman treatments have been reported by medias, human rights activists and advocacy groups. For instance, in its recent report published on 29 May 2020, the Amnesty International (AI) disclosed the killings of 39 civilians and several arbitrary arrests in East and West Guji zones alone.[1] Instead of investigating the incidents and correcting the wrongdoings, the Ethiopian Prime Minister labeled Amensty’s report as a “fiction” in his statement while addressing the parliament.

This report focuses on four case studies to highlight the human rights violations carried out by well-equipped security forces including the Oromia regional special police force, National Defence Force (NDF) and other paramilitary personnel, largely coordinated under Command Posts. Information gathered from credible sources published on different social Medias and local broadcasting media outlets were used in this report. Telephone interviews were also conducted with eye witnesses in Afaan Oromoo to corroborate the stories, and later on translated to English by the writer. The names used in this report, unless requested to be kept confidential, are real names and can be contacted if further information is needed.

Extrajudicial Executions in Oromia Region

It has been documented and reported that the Ethiopian security forces engaged in extrajudicial killings of civilians under the pretext of law enforcement. Dozens of unarmed citizens have been killed by Ethiopian security forces at different corners of Oromia region since the reinstatement of command post rule over the course of one year or so. Recently, most victims appear to have been parents of Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) fighters, young men suspected by security forces of supporting OLA, while others have been killed with no political affiliation allegations.  

Case 1: Elder couples killed because their son joined OLA

On 05 June 2020, members of the Ethiopian military forces operating under command post killed elderly couples, Mr. Ashagire Gebeyehu (75 years old) and Mrs. Fentinesh 68 years old) in Mugi town (01 kebele), Anfillo district of Kellem Wollega zone. It was belied in the locality that their son named Chala Asgagre joined the OLA. Anfillo is a lush coffee farming district of rural Oromia, located about 680 kilometers west of the Ethiopian capital Addis Abeba. Mr. Ashagire and his wife were parents to six children including Chala.  

Weeks before the killing, deputy commissioner of Oromia Police in press statement mentioned the said soldier as a mercenary, and the district’s chief administrators threatened the parents and warned them to convince their son to surrender or else face death.

Chala’s younger brother, Seifu Ashagre, who was with his parents when the security forces visited their home and killed his parents, stated about the incident in phone conversation as follows;

“Earlier on that day, I and my father were at coffee farm. We returned home around 6:30 PM. My mother was cooking a dinner for us. Around 8:00 PM, four members of military forces with the Oromia regional special police forces’ uniform entered our house without knocking. Immediately I saw them, I rushed to hide myself. I thought they were looking for me, since the government security forces have been arbitrarily arresting and killing young men in the district in recent years. One of them had beaten my father to death while others were controlling the compound. First they asked him the whereabouts of Chala. He told them that he doesn’t know Chala’s whereabouts since he left home five years ago. Then, they asked him to give them money. He responded that he has no money. They took him out and shot with two bullets on his head. My father died there. After few minutes they shot dead my mother on her chest. After they left the place, I cried and shouted being very emotional. Neighbors came and collected the dead bodies of my parents”.

Seifu was arrested on the next day by the Ethiopia’s national defense forces. He didn’t even able to participate on the burial ceremony of his parents. He was released after his parents were buried.

Their daughter, Sinte Ashagire, told Oromia Media Network (OMN) television and VoA Afan Oromo that her parents have been repeatedly threatened by security forces since Chala left home. They were arrested in 2008 for the same cause, and released after six months. Oromia regional government deputy communication officer, Dawud Mume, admitted that the elders were killed by government soldiers, and his government is still investigating to identify who they are.

One witness from the village, who requested his name to be kept confidential for his personal safety, said that localities gathered for funeral service condemned the action as the worst atrocity committed against Oromo elders. There is also a fear that there will be potential repetition of similar actions in the future since the district administrators in cooperation with command post further threatened the people in a coercively gathered meeting in the locality on 04 June 2020. During the meeting, the district security personnel provoked that everyone in the area going to be dead unless they coopt with the ruling party, and expose the whereabouts of OLA fighters. What is more disturbing is few people who participated on the funeral ceremony of these long-lasting couples were arrested at Dembi Dollo town, zone’s capital.

The killing of parents for their adult son’s political choice is unjustifiable. According to the Ethiopian family code, parents shall not take the responsibility for their child’s action if the child reaches a legal age, i.e. eighteen years old and above. What government security forces did was against this operational law, and can be labeled as violation of law and politically motivated cruel crime against elderly parents. The act shows the extent to which civilians are targeted for having blood lineage and social relations with Oromo liberation fighters, not even by their political outlook, let alone by committing crime.

Case 2: Young man died due to severe injury by security forces

Gadissa Nigussie Aga, 6th grade student, was heavily beaten and injured by the Oromia regional special police force on 10 May 2020 at small town of Shararo, Debrelibanos district of North Shewa zone while he was at wage work. He passed away on 02 June 2020 from the injury.  Gadissa was the first child to his family. It was learnt that his father was died while Gadissa was only six months child. OMN had a conversation with Gadissa’s mother, Mrs. Mulu Makara, on its “Gadameessa Madaaye”[2] program televised on 13 June 2020. Mrs. Mulu, who favored to call her son with his nick name “Fayyee”, stated about Gadissa’s death as follows;

“On 10 May 2020 in the afternoon, I came to learn from one of my neighbor that Fayyee was beaten to death at Shararo and consequently unable to come home. I immediately run to Shararo town and found my son very weak and excessively bleeding from his nose and mouth. He rarely spoke to me. I could have taken him to hospital, but I had no money. With the help of young men in the area, I took my son to home and started to treat him with traditional therapy. Ever since, he was not getting better. He was urinating blood. Then, I begged my neighbours for money. Few of them collected small amount of money from the community based association. With that money, I took my son to Shararo hospital on 01 June 2020. Doctors noticed that Fayyee’s kidney was completely damaged which is beyond their capacity to treat at their hospital, and suggested for special therapy at higher hospitals. They wrote a reference letter to Fiche general hospital, zone’s largest hospital, on the same day. On 03 June 2020, I took Fayyee to Fiche hospital. Health workers at the hospital were shocked after observing the severe injuries and weak physical appearance. They accepted the reference letter written on behalf of Fayyee, but his health condition was deteriorating rapidly. Doctors stated that Fayyee’s illness was beyond their capacity and suggested for further treatment at specialized hospitals in Addis Ababa. While the hospital’s board of management was writing another reference letter, Fayyee’s life ended there”.

Picture of Gadissa’s mother, Mrs. Mulu, holding her dead son’s picture
Picture of Gadissa’s mother, Mrs. Mulu, holding her dead son’s picture

“Fayyee was my helping hand. He was helping me like a household head”, added Gaddisa’s mother. He usually engages in wage works to help himself and his mother economically.  

Mrs. Mulu has no modern education, and relies on small plot of farm land for her livelihood. Being a widow and female household head is not an easy task in rural Ethiopia. In addition to socio-psychological challenges, such women naturally face economic crisis since women cannot equally farm as men and provide surplus food for their families.  Gadissa’s death left his mother helpless and hopeless. In impoverished family like Mrs. Mulu, killing such productive force of family member would culminate to severe economic crisis and psychological trauma.

Case 3: The Killing of ‘Bride to be’ man by security forces

The Ethiopian security forces killed a young man who was getting ready for his wedding. Lalisa Teferi was arrested on 10 May 2020 in Ganji district of West Wollega zone. He was arrested while on preparation for new life of marriage. Two days later, on 14 May 2020, he was found dead. Lalisa’s mother, Mrs. Chaltu Hundessa, told BBC Afaan Oromoo that she found the dead body of her son covered by plastic and thrown in the bush. Mrs. Chaltu added that her son was arrested for the first time in his lifetime. He had neither criminal record nor political affiliation to any political party. She further explained about events prior to Lalisa’s death as follows;

“Lalisa went to Ganji town primarly to buy materials necessary for his wedding and meet his to be wife, his fiancée. His fiancée confirmed that they discussed their approaching wedding and prepared wedding plan. After he left the place, members of the Ethiopian National Defence Forces caught him, and kept him for two days at the temporary military concentration camp before they had thrown his dead body in the bush near Ganji town.”

Due to security uncertainties, the planned wedding ceremony of Lalisa was turned in to funeral ceremony. The grooms, families and relatives who were eagerly waiting to celebrate their new couple’s wedding, attended Lalisa’s funeral with broken heart. It is unfortunate to observe such irresponsible killings by those forces that are deemed to guarantee the safety and security of citizens. Throwing the dead body of human being to the bush is ultimately immoral, illegal and against the norms of a society.

Case 4: The killing of Truck driver by Oromia Police Forces

Sadik Haji Ibro, a truck driver, was killed by security forces on 08 June 2020 in Dinsho town of Bale zone, while he was driving to a nearby town called Adabba. Members of Oromia police, who were on patrol, initially shot Sadik’s vehicle on tyre from behind. When the vehicle accidentally stopped, they forced Sadik to come out of his car and severely beaten which he couldn’t survive. The incident got public attention once posted by the influential activist-turned politician, Jawar Mohammed, on his personal Facebook page. Since the regional security forces denied about the killing, and went on accusing him labeling as if he published false information, Jawar posted the following commentary on his Facebook page; 

“Two days ago, Oromia Police Commission issued a statement threatening me with legal action alleging that I posted false information about police killing a young man in Dinsho, Bale. A day later, the story I posted was corroborated by family of the victim and even local security officials who spoke to media and later arrested suspected police officers. Here is the thing. Before posting the incident, I made sure to verify accuracy of the story from multiple sources. I had spoken to residents, eye witnesses, and even security sources. I had also received picture and video evidences showing what happened. They police commissioner did not know and thought they got me for the new ‘ fake news and hate speech’ draconian law”.

The story was publicly authenticated by families, and residents of the town. Later, regional and Bale zone security officials admitted about the killing and publicized through different local Medias including OMN, GNN, OBS and ONN. A few days ago, Bale zone administration said 2 police officers & 10 Dinsho park rangers were arrested suspected of the killing.

Sadik’s ruthless killing irritated local residents of Dinsho town. On 13 June 2020 Protests held in the town condemning the illegal killing of Tsadik, and calling for justice for the victim. Police have used tear gas to disperse protestors who closed roads. Few individuals were also arrested for their engagement in the protest including (1) Sufiyan Oumer; (2) Mohammed Jamal; (3) Sufiyan Abduro; (4) Hasan Mamado; and (5) Hasan Qal’a.

Concluding Remarks

The use of lethal forces by security personnel is costing civilians lives. Oromia is at the verge renewed protest. The quest for justice, equality, freedom and democracy intensified since the second half of 20th century, and still not fully answered. Specially, the determination and sacrifices of the youth during the deadly protest against the dictatorial TPLF led EPRDF government in the last five years or so provided hope for transition to democracy in Oromia in particular and in Ethiopia in general. However, it seems things turned to upside down. Given the suspension of much expected election for undefined period, government’s commitment to ensure transition to democracy is susceptible. By the time people start to express their discontent as usual, government may continue to use excessive forces. In this regard, leaders, members and supporters of opposition political parties will be targeted by government security forces. This, again, may jeopardize Ethiopia’s transition to democracy.

On the other hand, the fight between OLA and Ethiopian government deserve a serious attention from all stakeholders. Unless otherwise resolved through peaceful mechanisms, selective and accidental killings of civilians may continue, forceful evacuation of local people, detention and migration may also happen. This will have a short term and long term socio-economic and political consequences.

[1] https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2020/05/ethiopia-rape-extrajudicial-executions-homes-set-alight-in-security-operations-in-amhara-and-oromia/

[2] Gadameessa madaaye  literally means “the wounded womb”.

Oromo Legacy Leadership And Advocacy Association (OLLAA) has stood alongside with voiceless and faceless victims killed, falsely arrested, and forced into exile to become refugees at homes and abroad by the thousands. We believe the Oromo people, like others, deserve to be heard and to be understood for all the sacrifices they have paid and are still paying. Right now, we are truly disturbed by the daily news of human rights violations coming from Oromia! 

Our Solution & Plan 

Our immediate quest is to show and pursue the international community that federalism is not up for debate and once again continue to speak up & build a platform for Oromos are being prosecuted. Donate to OLLAA as we:

  1. Hire professional human rights consultants to speak on behalf Oromos
  2. Hire researchers in Oromia to ensure accurate real-time information and to write professional reports in English so as to spread truthful & repressed information internationally.
  3. Globalizing Oromo human rights violation concerns by writing weekly & building relationships with international non-profit like Human Rights Watch, Freedom House as well as United Nations & United States government
  4. Work on creating a stronger network & society through development work such as investing in education, youth leadership, women & girls projects, businesses, and much more

OLLAA a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization in Washington, D.C. All donations are tax-deductible: EIN 81-5230544