The Security Situation in Oromia

National Context

The political reforms introduced in 2018, following the resignation of the late prime minister Hailemariam Desalegn from power upon his accord and consecutive election of Abiy Ahmed as the Prime Minister of Ethiopia, seemed to have presented hopes and different opportunities of peace and prosperity for citizens of the country. The international community has also hoped for structural reforms as leveling the ground for the consolidation of democracy and protection and promotion of human rights. In fact, at the beginning of the reform, thousands of political prisoners, journalists and critics of government were released. Opposition political parties and activists have also been returned to homeland from exile for their potential peaceful political involvement. Eventually, revision of repressive laws which were used as a legal weapon to paralyze the media, civil societies and opposition parties has also been made.

However, the ruling party failed to make a “win-win” political deal with selected political organizations. For instance, the exiled leadership of Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) which had previously been declared a terrorist movement by the Ethiopian government, returned home after signing an agreement with government to end hostilities. The Front declared to end armed struggle and strengthen peaceful political engagement in the political space of Ethiopia. As part of this move, OLF disarmed and demobilized around 1,500 of its soldiers who were previously based in Eritrea, and planned to fully disarm all of its fighters operating in different parts of Oromia region. Nevertheless, the disarmed fighters who stationed at Agarfa concentration camp were mistreated [1]. by government, and forced to be indoctrinated by the ruling party’s political program. The underestimation propaganda waged against the disarmed fighters as ‘surrendered fighters’ by government cadres worsen the situation. This created a suspect about government’s political commitment to ceasefire and peaceful political negotiation with those fighters who were still on the way of disarmament. Consequently, the military wing of OLF, the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), officially separated from OLF leadership[2]. OLA continued with armed struggle in different corners of Oromia, which created political insecurity in the region.

Due to the security problems in some corners of the country, the government declared a military rule of command posts in December 2018, which is equivalent to martial rule, in Western[3] and Southern Oromia[4] which is under implementation with the joint actions of National Defence Force (NDF), Oromia Special Police Force and local militias. The ultimate mission of the command posts at the aforementioned sites is to launch a military action against OLA. It has been declared time and again by the OLF leaders that there is no relationship between OLF and OLA, since OLF officially stopped armed struggle in September 2018 and currently registered at National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) for peaceful political involvement in the country, although the ruling party continue to doubt the case.  

Several extrajudicial killings, arbitrary arrests and other forms of human rights violations have been recorded at different localities of the territories under the command post rule. This lived realities report, in particular, focuses on two case studies to highlight the insecure citizens’ life and human rights violation acts in Oromia region. Telephone interviews were conducted with the victims in Afaan Oromoo, and later on translated to English by the writer. The names used in this report are real names, and can be contacted if further information is needed.

Human security threats resulted from armed violence

Since the declaration of command post rule in Western Oromia, which critics consider as protracted war, security tensions have been heightened. Security forces operating under command post routinely kill, arbitrarily arresting and terrorize those whom they suspected of supporting OLF and OLA. The following are peculiar cases of the detrimental impacts the unprivileged citizens living in the command post based rule are exactly experiencing and leading uncertain life phenomena.

Case 1

Mr. Asfaw Goshu Lived Experience: Responding “I do not know” the whereabouts of OLA led to being shot in the leg by the government army.

 Asfaw Goshu is 35 years old age adult living in Gudina Abuna Kebele, Horro district, Horro Guduru Wollega zone where the command post rule is under implementation. He is married and has five children who are all under 15 year old age. Asfaw lead his household life doing different agricultural activities in collaboration with his wife as their children are under age to undertake farming activities. Currently, he became physically disabled, and incapable to carry out his livelihood activities.

What happened to Asfaw?

In January 2020 Ethiopian Defense Force visited Mr. Asfaw’s house to execute their mission of searching the OLA whereabouts. He was at his farm land while his house was visited by the armed forces. Mr. Asfaw stated the experience as follows;  

“On that day around 9:00AM, I was harvesting wheat at my farmland. In the meantime, I heard my wife screaming and speaking out loudly. Immediately, I returned to my home, and saw ten members of EDF along with one local militia were threatening my wife and children. I asked them what happened. They ordered me to kneel down in front of them. I knelt down. Then, they asked me whereabouts of OLA and I replied ‘I don’t know’. When they ruthlessly beat my wife, I shouted at them to stop. They beaten me to death, and finally one member of EDF shot in my right leg. I was down laying on earth with my whole body. They thought I was dead. They immediately left the place by their service car. Later, I shouted for help, and my community took me to hospital at Shambu, the zone found at 25 kilometers away from my home residence kebele.”

No matter how he was treated at the health facilities for some time, Mr. Asfaw physical wellbeing could not be rehabilitated for his usual leading role of his household livelihood. He further described his own life situation in the post EDF physical attack as follows:

“It took me three weeks to heal from the wound. Doctors removed the bullet from my leg, but my leg’s bone is already damaged. I was recommended by the doctors to use personal wheelchair, which I cannot afford to buy. Gradually, I started to walk with support of wooden stick.”

The incident happened to Mr. Asfaw’s family has negatively affected the family psychosocial wellbeing, livelihood and the physical condition of the family member. This is due to the fact that father is a sole provider in rural Ethiopia as it is a case in many agrarian societies. The physical abuse of the household head in front of his wife and his children has had its own negative moral and social consequences, with specific contribution to low children self-esteem. In term of livelihood, Mr. Asfaw mentioned that the challenge happened to his family as follows;

“Now I am incapable to engage in my usual farming activities. If I don’t farm, I can’t feed my children who are still under 15 ages. Hunger is knocking at our door. I wish I could have died instead of being physically disabled person and burden to my family.”

Mr. Asfaw, who used to be the major source of income for the family started to be dependent on his wife and the five children who are yet to shoulder farming activities, but currently are forced by the incidence happened to the family to engage in farming activities very early. This would lead to the children potential dropout from school to feed the family through involving in labor-based income generation activities.

Case 2

Mr. Mulata shot dead by unidentified gunmen for his perceived alliance with the ruling party  

The citizens’ security is threated and uncertain under the command post rule. It doesn’t matter whether one supports or opposes government. The increased clandestine firearms trade and movement of weapon across porous borders posed serious security threats to ordinary citizen. Mr. Mulata was the victim of such firearms trade with the uses and the abuses of the weapon in the hand of any persons who would like to have one.

Mr. Mulata Gemechu was 65 years old farmer used to live in Haro Aga Kebele, Horro District of Horro Guduru Wollega zone. He was shot dead near his home yard on 04 February 2020 by unidentified gunmen. Mr. Mulata’s family attributed the death incidence to Mr. Mulata’s cooperation with the government during the heightened protest against EPRDF regime in 2015 through 2018. The government granted Mr. Mulata 25000 ETB (around USD 800) as a reward for his political loyalty and sustained standby the ruling party. Later on, unidentified gunmen requested him to handover the money peacefully, which as rumored in the village he refused. A neighbor living in the village witnessed about the incident as follows;

“On Monday, 04 February around 6:00 PM, I heard gunshot sound. I moved on to check what happened and found the dead body of Mulata near to his home. He was a father of six children. It was noticed that the gunmen were dressed in military uniform. But still, it is unknown whether they are government’s soldiers or others”

In the locality, resident fate of life is in a probable condition. Whether somebody has political attitude, perceived or observed, either pro or opposite to the ruling party it does not keep one’s life secured. Mr. Mulatas’ case is the best example who lost his precious life because of the incentive money given for him for the ruling party for his assumed contribution.    

The son of Mr. Mulata witnessed about the death of his father as follows;

“My father was looking after the cattle while we heard the gunshot sound. I and my brother quickly run out to check what happened. We saw the gunmen running away in different directions. I called my father, he was not responding. I noticed he was shot down. When I reached at his place, his body was bleeding, I touched his body, but he had gone. I cried and shouted being very emotional. Few minutes later, neighbors came and helped us to pick my father’s body. This all happened because of the money given to my father by the ruling party. He did nothing, but they gave him the money for abstinence from involvement during the protest which later on exposed him to the death.”

The image of the Mr. Mulata’s household would have been negatively viewed by the locality villagers because of the perceived wrongly collection of money by siding the ruling party. On the one hand, the ruling party which used to pay people like Mr. Mulata never remind their families upon such incidence. The families are subjected to political view based discrimination and potential leaving of the area if such case re-happen to them in the future. On the other hand, the family members may work hard to revenge suspected gunmen family or party as condition allows them. In general, such incidence increases the political tension in locality and negatively affects the peaceful co-existence of the citizens.  

Implications

The failure of the current regime to materialize the promised political reform to people’s interest exacerbated the already deteriorated security in Ethiopia. Members of the Ethiopian Defence forces, regional police special force and allied militia have destined to carry out serious human rights violations acts in different parts of Oromia region under the rule of the command post.

If this context goes in similar way, the huge number unemployed young people with no work opportunities may restart protest which was proved to be successful in overthrowing the authoritarian TPLF government which ruled the country for over 27 years. The youth and the adults are being killed, arbitrarily arrested and prisoned. This working force and large proportion of the society with no alternative means of livelihood are experiencing social, physical, political suffering which would probably re-lead them to protest against the unjust and extrajudicial killings by the government forces in their locality.

The direct victim families lived and shared suffering are being attended by the majority others through different social media platforms and would lead to the community violent response in the course of time. The government is highly advised to abstain from subjugating the innocent citizens because of not knowing the OLA whereabouts or opposing the ruling party. Otherwise, the contemporary social and political instabilities in different corners of Oromia region would necessitate the community protest in seek of justice and ensured human rights.        

[1] For instance, the disarmed fighters were denied to contact with their OLF leaders. They were also denied to use telephone and any other electronic devices, while some of their members were beaten by the security forces in the concentration camp.

[2] In a statement, the OLA group said, “even if we had previously agreed to a ceasefire and settle our difference with the government, the government has continued to arrest our members and wage war on us.”

[3] Western Oromia includes West Wollega, East Wollega, Qellem Wollega, Horoo Guduru Wollega, and some parts of West Shoa, Illu Abba Bora and Buno Bedelle Zones

[4] Southern Oromia includes West Guji, South Guji and Borena zones.